This page provides additional information about the cells of consistent orientation, along with discussion of whether some kind of map-like source preceded the Tabula Peutingeriana.
[Chart] The section portraying the
first imperial capital and its suburbs within
a radius of 50 kilometres is perhaps the most graphically striking section
of the entire Tabula, since it not only possesses a personification at its
centre, but it arrays twelve highways out of the city in a star
formation. However it does not seem to have been this star shape which
determined the orientation here, but rather a desire to show the city and
its artificial port, the Portus, in a single vertical axis.
[*]Contra: Kubitschek 1919:
die Hafenanlagen von Portus mit dem Leuchtturm und die St.
Peterskirche haben wahrscheinlich mit dem Medaillonbild nichts zu
tun, wie sie auch in keine äußerliche Verbindung mit ihm gebracht
sind
(2139).
The harbour had been excavated and provided with two long curving moles
and a lighthouse
between in the reign (41-54) of Claudius and later formally named the
Portus Augusti. Since the Portus, which is more or less on the site of
Rome's international airport today, is actually to the west of the city,
so
achieving a vertical axis of the Portus and city center required this
section of the map to be aggressively rotated to an azimuth of 65
degrees, a much harder turn than for the most of the rest of the Italian
peninsula.
[*]Simon, 2012, is one of the few to
note this: In Rome, for instance, the northbound Via Flaminia
leaves Rome to the left and the Via Appia leaves to the right
(67).
Perhaps a subliminal awareness of that turn is behind the vague and
undifferentiated assertion by certain scholars that Italy as a whole has
somehow
been turned to put east at top. [*]Gisinger, 1938:
die gewiß nicht nur mit technischen Gründen zu erklärende
Orientierung Italiens nach Osten hin ...
(1406, 53-5)
The section is bounded by the
Appenines to the north, and melts away into connective tissue at the left.
At right it blends into the rest of Latium, which is only moderately
rotated to about 20 degrees off true north. If we follow the hypothesis
that the Tabula is a collage of many regional maps with their own varying
purposes, the Roma section might well be derived from some kind of
commemorative document celebrating the sea access of the city of Rome,
along with the availability of road connections in most directions.
That document would hardly have had a practical purpose, since the twelve
roads are not equal to one another in value. One, the Via Triumphalis
(omitted from the reconstruction because it is geographically so tiny),
was built for show, and an acute Christian reader of the Tabula has
cheekily inserted a convenient endpoint for it, St Peter's Church,
although that basilica was neither the city's principal church (St John
Lateran) nor, before the 14th century, a papal residence. Rather than
serving a practical purpose, this predecessor document is likely to have
been purely illustrative and chorographic in its intention, emphasizing
the human reshaping of the landscape in general and the political
achievements of one or more emperors in particular.
[Chart] There has to my knowledge
been remarkably little discussion of why the
Tabula should have turned the Peloponnese, Aetolia and the Attic peninsula
nearly 40
degrees from north, although the effect itself has been noted numerous
times. [*]Gisinger, 1938: die
ebenfalls
gewiß
nicht bloß mit technischen Gründen zu erklärende starke östliche
Orientierung Griechenlands ...
(1408, 21-4). Simon, 2012:
Greece and the Peloponnese, likewise, appear rotated
(67).
[Chart] Past scholarship has
tended to overlook the sharp rotation applied collectively to the two
peninsulas at the tip of Italy and has, with Gross, often attributed the
distortion to a supposed need to accommodate Sicilia in the limited space.
[*]Gross, 1913: ... aus Platzmangel
... ist auch Süditalien von Segm. VI,5 ab so eingeschnürt, weil
sonst Sicilien nicht hätte wiedergegeben können
(104). In point of fact, the Tabula drawing seems to be an
almost faultless vertical compression of some earlier map which was drawn
with north-east at top.
[Chart] Talbert comes tantalizingly
close to the correct explanation for the strange formation of this
section, rightly pointing out that it is attributable to the
mapmaker himself
. [*]Talbert,
2010: Observe, for example, the
resort to
(111).
vertical
routes, as from unnamed symbol no. 42
(5B4) and Venvsie (5B5)
[Chart] The mechanism by
which the Tabula Peutingeriana arrives at its peculiar version of Asia has
rarely been grasped in the commentaries. As the graphic demonstrates, Asia
has simply been turned so that its western coast and hinterland form the
bottom of this section of the chart; at the same time the southern coast
(the Mediterranean shore east of Rhodes) is drastically abbreviated and
plays only a minor role in the resulting drawing. However the scholars
have often misinterpreted this as a shaping operation to stretch out the
western and southern coasts into one straight line. [*]Kubitschek, 1919: ... So konnte zwar die Südküste
der Propontis oder die Kleinasiens gegliedert werden, die Westküste
dieser Halbinsel aber mußte aus der Meridianlage horizontal umgelegt
werden, so daß z. B. Smyrna ganz nahe gegenüber Pelusium, und Milet
gegenüber Askalon zu liegen kommt
(2129). Talbert, 2010: But
Asia Minor's western and southern coasts are then rendered as one,
to form the Mediterranean's upper coastline
(92-3).
[Chart] Multiple clues indicate that this section, oriented with its top 16 degrees left of north, was once a map in its own right. At the upper left, the road along the Ionian Sea peters out after crossing through Aulona, while at the right, the Via Egnatia appears to cantilever into unknown space, abruptly ending after passing through Lychnidos on the north shore of Lake Ohrid. In addition, the regional label Iepirum Novum neatly covers the limited area of the sheet.
Yet another signal is the curious calculation at bottom of the direct distance across the mountains from Nicopolis to Larissa in Thessaly: Abactia Nicopori Larissa usq. Milia LXX). This is perhaps a triangulation result, since no such road is known. Any foot-track over the ridges of the high Pindus to Thessaly would surely have been much longer than 70 Roman miles in length, so the line of connection must either have been marked as a geometric straight line or be a copyist's addition.
The uncertainty about the mountainous center of the Balkan peninsula suggests no map of it was available and the chart-maker had to rely on some itinerary list instead. Other notable features of this map are the two minor rivers rising in the Balkans—, the headwaters are probably merely conceptual— and the inland valley roads (via Hadrianopolis). One might question if these really ever formed a single through route, and if the chart-maker was right to assume a through connection.
[No chart yet] The presentation of Britannia appears to be influenced by
the sailor's experience, with the source map probably bringing into
the bottom or foreground that side of the island which the Roman mariner
encountered first. Kubitschek endeavours on of the least convincing
explanations of why a grand design might have rotated the island so that
its south coast is at the right. [*]Kubitschek, 1919: Britannien muß, da anderwärts
kein Platz dafür zur Verfügung stand, aus der nordsüdlichen (oder
vielmehr, da nach antiker Anschauung die Achse des Landes stark nach
Osten umgelegt ist) aus der westöstlichen in eine östlich-westliche
Lage gebracht gewesen sein
(2128-9).
[Chart] The rotation of this
coastal region is often remarked, though but Dilke is among of the few
scholars to actually measure any angle.[*]Dilke, 1998: The effect of the deformation is to
stretch countries out on an east-west axis, so that the Levant
coast, for example, is better seen if one allows for an orientation
turned clockwise by about 80°
(117).
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